Fujimori-era spy scandal returns to haunt Peruvian politics

By JOSEPH FITSANAKIS | intelNews.org
Regular readers of this blog will be familiar with the case of Vladimiro Montesinos, the former director of Peru’s intelligence service, Servicio de Inteligencia Nacional (SIN). Montesinos, a CIA agent, is currently serving a 25-year prison sentence for setting up a sophisticated network of illegal activities during his SIN tenure. The crimes he committed included drug trafficking, bribing, extortion, as well as embezzlement. Many of these activities were conducted under the direction of Peru’s disgraced former president Alberto Fujimori. He too is now in prison for having handed Montesinos $15 million from government coffers.

In the past decade, civil society in Peru has tried to move on from these scandals, and has sought to establish a more stable political culture. In the 2011 elections, the country voted for Ollanta Humala, who was sworn into office on July 28 of that year. The son of a labor lawyer, Humala became a career military officer at an early age. In 2000, he became known across Peru when he led a local mutiny against the government of Alberto Fujimori, complaining against corruption in the central government. The mutiny, joined by a just few dozens of soldiers in southern Peru, was quickly quashed by the government, and Humala soon found himself in prison. However, he was pardoned by the Peruvian Congress after the fall of the Fujimori regime. Moreover, Humala was seen by many as a national hero for his defiant stance in 2000.

However, Humala’s stardom has begun to fade in recent weeks, after media reports drew the country’s attention to Óscar López Meneses. Over a decade ago, López was taken to court along with Fujimori and Montesinos, and was given a suspended sentence for having helped the sinister spy kingpin run his criminal network around the country. López has kept a low profile in recent years, but Peruvian media reported last month that he has remained in close operational contact with the Peruvian police. The revelation led to the eventual resignation of Peru’s minister of the interior, Wilfredo Pedraza, while his interim successor quickly fired seven senior police officials for having contacts with López.

One of those fired was Adrián Villafuerte, a retired Army colonel, who served alongside Humala and acted as his security adviser after the current Peruvian president entered politics. Many are now wondering whether the president knew about López’s contacts with the country’s police leadership. Some pundits have raised doubts about whether Fujimori’s and Montesino’s illegal intelligence network, which subverted Peruvian political life for over a decade, has actually been dismantled. Could it be that, like Fujimori, president Humala has failed to resist the temptation to run an underground intelligence network aimed at his political opponents? The president has denied the allegations and has authorized an official investigation on “police corruption”, claiming that López’s dealings with law enforcement were not authorized by his office.